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The June insurrection in Paris had seemed to confirm the worst fears about the revolutionary threat to the social system. It justified reaction in various forms, such as a whole variety of measures aimed to secure the political 20 Themes in Modern European History demobilization of the masses: police repression, the closure of political associations, bans on meetings and censorship of the press. The measures enjoyed considerable success. Opponents of reaction either gave up political activity from disillusionment or fear, or were forced to continue in a clandestine, and less effective manner.

Paradoxically in central and eastern Europe it was to be another legacy of 1848—growing national discontent— which was to cause the major internal and international tensions Revolutionary movements 25 that eventually led, in 1914, to the war which destroyed the social order created in and after 1848. Note 1. Labrousse, ‘Comment naissent les révolutions—1848–1830–1789’, in Actes du congrès historique du centenaire de la Révolution de 1848 (Paris, 1948). Traugott, ‘The mid-nineteenth-century crisis in England and France’, Theory and Society, vol.

At the former there were only 252 members (of the 430 eligible) of whom 219 supported revision of the constitutional charter; the latter was even more thinly attended: of the 114 present (of 365 eligible) 89 supported revision. There can be no doubt that the leaders of the liberal majority were anxious to avoid an interregnum which might allow radical republican protest, or else a movement in the provinces in support of the deposed king. The charter was to become a right of the nation, not a gift of the Crown; the possibility that the king might again attempt to take advantage of his emergency powers was strictly limited, and the responsibilities of Parliament in such matters as the initiation of legislation (formerly reserved to the Crown) greatly enlarged.

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A guide to diplomatic practice by Satow E.

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